Menstration In Older Women

Loppsi 2: The Patriot Act now speaks French

series for the student who exceeds the master ....

Barbara

The French Parliament has just adopted a new law-jumble that shows various measures of the French law the USA Patriot Act. For the sociologist Jean-Claude Paye, the ineffectiveness of the extensive surveillance system put in place progressively certifies that its real purpose is different from what was announced. Western societies evolve towards a model "child", where the mere fact of wrapping themselves under the gaze of power, generates a sense of security.

By Jean-Claude Paye

http://www.voltairenet.org/

French law " LOPPSI 2 ", Law and Planning Guidance for Internal Security, was finally adopted on February 8 [1] . The text shows strong similarities with the U.S. Patriot Act, passed immediately after the attacks of 11 September 2001. Both laws are presented as a "cauldron" on Safety a different set of measures aimed at reducing and containing the fundamental freedoms major reforms designed to ensure control of the Net

The Patriot Act anticipates the French laws. It established since 2001, all A number of provisions that will be present in France for a decade, such as installing computers in the office of trojan horses, and the criminalization of cybercrime ol'infiltrazione police in electronic commerce.

At first, since its promulgation in 2001, the Patriot Act is part of a state of emergency. It looks like a way to face a state of war: the "war on terrorism." Along with measures already standing, several provisions have been issued for a period of four years. It 's only in 2006, during their renewal process, that most of them become permanent [2] . Only the most contested will again be issued for a further period of four years. Later, with the Obama presidency, will be renewed from year to year.

French law called LOPPSI 2, is inserted in turn, directly in a context of permanence. All his measures are valid for an indefinite period. They should not be renewed because they are not limited in time. The main reference of this law is no longer the image of the war on terrorism but directly to a state of emergency, shown by the State in order to defend themselves from their own population. The law measures mixed general surveillance and repression of individual freedoms of all citizens with measures that stigmatize special populations, such as temporary or even the young.

Trojan Horses

Under the pretext of combating "organized crime" LOPPSI the second provides for the possibility, with the approval of a judge to place, unbeknownst to the user, a device that records keystrokes or screenshots. The system will allow every way to preserve all the offenses occurred in the context of surveillance, even if they do not concern material facts in organized crime. The devices can be installed on site or remotely, for a renewable period of eight months. To place these "spies", the investigators have the right to enter the home or vehicle of the suspect, unbeknownst to him, and if necessary, at night. The law, in effect, nullifies the protections afforded about the constitutional privacy.

Filtering Network

The law requires the same way a system of filtering websites that broadcast images of children in nature "clearly pornographic". Without requiring the intervention of a judge, the law gives to an administrative authority, the Central Office for combating crime, the possibility of depriving them of access to Internet sites. However, the Board may appeal to the court regarding content sites "clearly not pornographic" [3] . Presentata come una limitazione dei poteri dell’esecutivo, tale disposizione ha infatti una conseguenza perversa: permette di estendere il filtraggio a contenuti che non sono manifestamente di natura pedofila. Tale è l’obiettivo di questo articolo. Una volta che il principio del blocco è adottato, è sufficiente estendere progressivamente il campo dei siti filtrabili, come è stato fatto per la banca dati nazionale del DNA. La legge crea una scappatoia che prelude ad altri motivi di blocco. Un semplice emendamento alla LOPPSI permetterebbe di includere siti che non rispettano i diritti d’autore.

La “cybercriminalità”

The LOPPSI establishes a number of specific crimes exercised on the Net is created the crime of fraudulent use, on an electronic communications network, the individual identity or personal data "in order to disturb its peace or attempt to honor his or her account. "

The penalties for counterfeiting bank account details, payment methods and goods by criminal gangs on the Internet are heavier, up to ten years imprisonment and a million euro for fraudulent use of payment instruments.

The creation of the crime of identity theft should lead to a sharp increase in the "platform PHAROS (Platform for Harmonisation, Analysis, Retrieval and Guidance Signal) that allows, in January 2009, from a government action plan against" crime on the Internet "The online complaint to police the content of sites that constitute grounds for impeachment. These reports, currently at over a thousand a month, are then treated dall'OCLCTIC (Office Central de Lutte contre la Crime LIEE aux Technologies de l'Information et de la Communication).

Interconnection files

This bill coordinates the files called "history" [4] as STIC and Judex, which contain "personal information" relating to a person suspected of having taken part in the crimes or misdemeanors 5 ° class. The law provides that the judgments of acquittal or dismissal will lead to a cancellation of personal data "unless the public prosecutor orders keeping them for reasons related to the purposes of the file." The law also gives the ability to delete personal information or to leave them be to close a case or nolle prosequi.

Article 10 also allows the use of systems of "serial analysis, cross-checking of information on accessible data, available on the Internet with sensitive data such as IP or telephone number. This is personal information about people suspected of being perpetrators or accomplices of crimes but also to the victims or just people who can provide information.

As for the files called "approximation", they allow to cross the personal data collected in different surveys, with no limits in terms of seriousness of offenses committed.

Big Mother

A prima vista, la legge è illeggibile. Si presenta come un guazzabuglio, una collezione di misure disparate, che vanno dalla creazione di files su tutti i cittadini alla legalizzazione dei cookies , alla criminalizzazione degli squatters alla possibilità di imporre il coprifuoco per i ragazzi di 13 anni. Tuttavia c’è una forte coerenza tra le differenti disposizioni, non tanto sull’oggetto su cui poggiano i diversi articoli, quanto su ciò che riguarda le intenzioni del potere. I reati creati non hanno altro scopo che essere un mezzo dello sguardo del governo, un supporto all’immagine mediatica di insicurezza e del suo alter-ego, safety.

The criminalization of the squatters, travelers, illegal aliens, or just young people, implies that every form of existence that is not strictly controlled dangerous. It also led to security lies in a complete surrender to the government and its initiatives , his files, his computer searches and judicial impunity for its agents.

not for nothing that the law operates a semantic shift, replacing the word "surveillance " with " videoprotezione " . But this is not intended to deceive. This is not an ideology in the usual sense of the word. Fits, on the contrary, transparency, one of the intentions of the government, that of the Big Mother fusione.Così government and its security, the protection afforded the form of both being under the eye of surveillance cameras disseminated by LOPPSI 2, both in the preservation of principal photography in police records, even if you have been acquitted by the courts. The purpose of these files is not to establish a surveillance of the population. A survey of the National Commission for the Protection Data revealed in 2008 that the files contained in police records, 83% of errors. The goal is far, is to give notice to hand over our security in the hands of power and waive any right to privacy.

Confinement in the "look" of power

The LOPPSI 2, like its U.S. equivalent Patriot Act, by a reversal of the legal system. This is beginning to apply to the population the procedures that were once used only against agents of hostile powers. Yes is then to put these measures into law, so obtain the consent of the people to abandon their existence.

In both cases, the legal structure is similar. The law records the absence of limits on executive power, reversing the traditional role.

LOPPSI The second is instructive to understand this change, particularly concerning the formation of the files "history." The acquittal by a court does not automatically imply the cancellation of data in files. The cancellation depends solely on the arbitrary decision of the prosecutor. This tells us that the purpose of files is no surveillance of the population. Confirms what we learn from a survey of the CNIL (National Commission on Data Protection) [5] : in the last three years more than one million people are still marked as "suspicious," although were removed at the judicial [6] .

Again, this is not to monitor the population but instilling the feeling that it has no room for maneuver in the face of arbitrary power and the way in which everyone is identified .

The LOPPSI is not, as is often written, the expression of an SA, but rather that of a "society scopic" (from the greek Skopea, indicating a focused look, ndt ), a society that imprisons us inside the eye of power, to which the individual must identify themselves in order to ensure its protection. Insecurity is then being behind this look, for example from outside the eye of the cameras. The challenge is to identify criminals or those at risk. " It is to accept that citizens power has the ability to identify them, to dispose of their lives and that they have no chance of appeal against this state of affairs.

Voices From the Street

How Long Does Hair Have To Be For Brazilian

Japan to prevent the meltdown and updates

Until yesterday we were jackals. And now? Monia Benini - For the Common Good

Earthquake in Japan: an artificial earthquake?
map of Fall Out by Planet Ec

UPDATES 12/03/2011
16 PM Live news and info from Japanese TV

Meanwhile I found the video footage from Agora, the guy to whom we should feel reassured called Enzo Cat of the Italian Nuclear.

Rumorone white smoke and nonsense Japanese Nuclear Agency always Ecoalfabeta

Japan can meltdown. Explosion (photo) and injuries. Two nuclear power plants in failure - Blogeko

nuclear explosion in Japan, but everything is under control ... Italo Romano

The embrace nuclear power is an embrace of the death of Marco Cedolin
agg
end for now

Japan is now talking about preventing the meltdown

For Agora Vianello Raitre at 22.30/23.00 to a gentleman in the studio, but I do not know how qualified a qualified Italian Nuclear Association has welcomed the news of the increase came at the time of writing 10milavolte more with a "not impossible" or something.

He is here, sitting comfortable on television, but it establishes with certainty that there is nothing alarming in kilometers distanza.Questi are involved with nuclear Italians.

Returning to Japan, after the rupture of a dam, the disappearance of 5 trains, the fire of the nuclear Onagawa (pictured), the explosion of a petrochemical, ship sucked announce for lovers of technology dominating all (while the Italian ambassador to Japan on Rai Uno Maggioni to confirm that everything is back to normal, timely and accurate commuters went to work ... it is important not to lose productivity)

Japan is now talking about preventing the meltdown

"Japan tries to prevent the meltdown in Fukushima nuclear power plant," a headline article in the LA Times half an hour ago.

8000 The government sent military troops to patrol the area .

It 'a very bad day for Japanese nuclear power, partly because the plant Fukushima is a 40-year old wreck with technology from the 60s, with only one cooling circuit, without a dome containment and safety standards are among the lowest in the world (does not say Greenpeace , but the LA Times). According to Reuters

, the pressure inside the containment building has already exceeded twice the maximum prescribed by the designer. The radiation level within the central now seems three orders of magnitude above normal .

To cool the core should be pumping water and this requires electricity, but power lines were damaged by the earthquake, emergency diesel generators have also been damaged, so now the Japanese are going to batteries.

The batteries may last up to eight hours . The Japanese are giving themselves to do to bring every possible means to generate energy, hoping to make time Fukushima and that does not enter the annals of the many horrors of the nuclear industry .

23 Hours: now seem to be two reactors have cooling problems.

Hours 1: The reactor temperature is out of control seem to be three. The same

Japanese TEPCO begins not to hide più i problemi:

«Evacuation has been instructed by the national government to the local
residents within 3 km radius of Fukushima Daiichi Nuclear Power Station
Measurement of radioactive material (Iodine, etc.) by monitoring car
indicates increasing value compared to normal level. One of the monitoring
posts is also indicating higher than normal level. We will continue
monitoring discharge of radioactive material from exhaust stack and
discharge canal, etc.
We have decided to implement measures to reduce the pressure of the reactor
containment vessel for those units that cannot confirm certain level of
water injection by the Reactor Core Isolation Cooling System, in order to
fully secure safety. "

[The picture at the beginning of the post is a photo del'incendio in a refinery was put to give an idea of \u200b\u200bthe seriousness of the situation and the many simultaneous crises that must be addressed in Japan at this time. This fire has not course nothing to do with nuclear power]

Eco Alfabeta

Integra Dtr-6.8 Price

process of globalization: two chapters of the book

these great authors, proof in hand liberals and dismantle all dogmas mercantilist which, like good believers, we have devoted our lives and gave away's Future generations, killing the planet.

The tragedy is that today, it is taught in diplomifici laurefici this discipline and self-destructive, instead of opening the minds of new generations who will swim in the sewer that we have done for their creato.Che such places for temples of culture (schools and universities ) are not simply places to "make" followers?

Barbara

Free trade, the great destroyer of David Morris

following "Why development creates poverty "by Edward Goldsmith

Free trade is the religion of our time, with his heaven - the world economy - and its analytical and philosophical foundations. To enunciate his theorems appeals to higher mathematics, but, ultimately, free trade is less an economic strategy than a moral teaching. Despite its claim to be free from value judgments, it rests on them, in that it presupposes that the Supreme happy to go out and that mobility and change are synonymous with progress. The transport of the capital, materials, goods and people have priority on autonomy, sovereignty and culture of local communities. Instead of fostering and maintaining social relationships that make a living community, the theology of free trade relies on a strict definition of effectiveness as a guide for our conduct.

The postulates of free trade
After three decades of brainwashing, the principles and the alleged benefits of free trade it seems obvious: •
competition stimulates innovation, increases productivity and lowers prices; the
• division of labor allows specialization, which also increases productivity and lowers prices;
• the more important is the size of production units, the greater are the division of labor and specialization, and therefore their benefits.

The cult of the great permeates the entire political discourse . The Treasury Department advocates the establishment of five to ten U.S. banks giants. "If we want to be competitive on the world market for financial services, we must change our ideas about the size of American institutions," he says. The vice chairman of Citicorp warns against "the comforting idea that 14,000 banks are a great asset for our country ". The liberal magazine Harper's fully endorses: "The farms, as companies of almost all other sectors have grown. They did it to benefit from economies of scale generated by modern methods of production. " Lester Thurow, adviser to Democratic U.S. president condemns anti-trust laws and accusing them of participating in "an old-fashioned conception of democracy." He argues that even IBM, which generated a turnover of 50 billion dollars, is not important enough for the world market. "The big companies sometimes overwhelm small", he admits Thurow, "but it is better that small U.S. firms may be crushed by large national companies that foreign companies." La rivista In These Times, che si definisce settimanale socialista indipendente, conclude: “Le imprese siderurgiche giapponesi hanno potuto avvantaggiarsi sui loro concorrenti americani costruendo acciaierie di dimensioni più grandi”.
L’infatuazione per le grosse strutture comporta logicamente il seguente postulato: il bisogno di mercati mondiali. Ogni ostacolo all’espansione dei mercati riduce la possibilità di specializzarsi e dunque nuoce alla competitività aumentando i costi.
L’ultimo sostegno del libero scambio è il principio del vantaggio comparativo, che si presenta sotto due forme: assoluta e relativa . La nozione di vantaggio comparativo assoluto is easier to understand: view of their natural resources and their different climates, Guatemala should cultivate bananas and Minnesota breed pike. Specializing in so that he can produce better, every region has a comparative advantage in this area. The comparative advantage relative is a less intuitive, but ultimately more fruitful. In the nineteenth century, David Ricardo, the British economist architect of free trade economy, explains it this way: "Suppose two men each manufacturing shoes and hats, one of which exceeds the other in the two processes, but we assume that its superiority is not that a fifth (20%) in the manufacture of hats and a third (33%) in the manufacture of shoes. Is it not the interest of both the individual more competitive is devoted exclusively to the manufacture of shoes and less competitive in the manufacture of hats? ".
So even if a region is able to manufacture any more effectively than another, has an interest in specializing in producing products with greater efficiency, in relative terms, and exchange them with others. Each region, and ultimately each nation should specialize in what he does best.
What does this mean the principles of free trade? That regions and nations give up their independence. That renounce their ability to produce many articles to concentrate their efforts on the production of only some of them. They import what they need and exporting what they produce.
The bigger the better. Humanity is driven by the interest of each material. The competition is preferable to cooperation, dependence to independence. These are the foundations of free trade. In short, traded on the sovereignty of our business against the promise of more work, goods and services, and a higher standard of living.
the eyes of the zealots of free trade, seek to impede the economic development would be equivalent to preventing the natural evolution. We suggest choosing a different path of development is considered, at best, as an attempt to reverse the course of history, at worst, as an act against nature, if not a sin.
This form of historical determinism has its corollaries. Not only did we move from simple to complex economies economies, but also cost savings from economies characterized by division, where the producer is separated from the consumer, the farmer from the kitchen, the central power from the apparatus, the trash from the landfill, the banker from depositor and, inevitably, the government from the citizen. In this process of development, dissociated authority and responsibility: those who take decisions are not the ones who suffer the consequences.
How Homo sapiens is considered the greatest achievement of nature, so the multinational or supranational economic animal has become our most advanced. The global economy requires global institutions. The same nation-state begins to disappear, much like the object of our affection and geographical entity in which we identify, as an important actor in world affairs.
The global economy is integrated and nations disintegrate. Yoshitaka Sajima, vice president of Mitsui & Company USA, said: "The United States and Japan do not trade more between them, are part of each other. " Lamar Alexander, a former Republican governor of Tennessee expressed the same idea when he declared that the aim of its development strategy is to 'integrate the economy of Tennessee than in Japan. "
In Europe, the Common Market, which included six countries in the fifties and ten in the seventies, it has now sixteen, and the barriers between these countries are rapidly dismantled. There are fewer and fewer companies, Italian, French or German, but only superaziende Europe. The governments of the United States, Canada and Mexico have established the NAFTA countries to integrate economically in North America.
stimulate exports is essential to the success of a program of economic development.
Globalization mobilizes our attention and our resources. We are told that our main task is to operate, expand and manage the emerging global systems. All discuss trade. The political leaders aspire to create stable systems conducive to world financial markets and exchange rates. The brightest minds of this generation are calling all their wits to establish the principles and financial regulations that will maximize an uninterrupted flow of resources between nations.
Globalization changes loosen our ties and our neighborly relations. "In new world order, no loyalty binds to workers, products, enterprise, manufacturing, community and even the nation, "proclaims the New York Times. Martin S. Davis, president of Gulf and Western, said: "Under the new rules, we can get rid of all these chains. We can not be emotionally tied to a particular factor of production. "
now, we are all factors of production . Throw to the winds the ties of loyalty is not easy, but is the price we have to pay to enjoy the benefits of the global village. Each community must rise to the production cost as low as possible, even if this makes a break what remains of the social contract and secular traditions.
The revised and corrected version of the American dream is clearly described by J. Stanley Mihelick, Goodyear's vice president in charge of production: "Until we have lowered the real wages to a level very close to those of Brazil and Korea, we will be unable to enjoy the productivity gains of paid employees and remain competitive."
The salary increases, environmental protection, the system of national health insurance, actions for damages, in short everything that weighs the cost of production makes the company less competitive and is a threat to our economia. Dobbiamo rinunciare a vivere bene per sostenerla. Siamo impegnati in una lotta mondiale per la sopravvivenza, e il libero scambio è divenuto una necessità.

LA DOTTRINA È IN DIFFICOLTÀ
Anche se la dottrina del libero scambio esercita un tale ascendente, le assurdità della globalizzazione diventano palesi. Facciamo l’esempio degli stuzzicadenti e delle bacchette “cinesi”.
Alcuni anni fa, nel ristorante di Saint Paul, nel Minnesota, usai uno stuzzicadenti made in Japan avvolto in della plastica. Il Giappone ha poco legno e niente petrolio. Ciò nonostante, nella nostra economia globalizzata è divenuto abbastanza redditizio trasportarvi piccoli pieces of wood and barrels of oil, wrap each in the other derivatives and ship the finished product in Minnesota. This toothpick has probably traveled more than 80,000 km. It is also true. A factory in Hibbing, Minnesota, is now producing 1 billion disposable chopsticks a year, to be sold in Japan. It is easy to imagine two merchant ships crossing the North Pacific. One carries to Japan small pieces of wood from Minnesota, the other small pieces of wood from Japan to the Minnesota. This is the logic of free trade.
The critical situation in which there are the countries of the South brings out very well in its absurdity. They were driven to borrow money to build an economic infrastructure in order to specialize in areas where most successful (in accordance to the theory of comparative advantage) and thereby increase their export capacity. To repay their debts, the Third World countries should boost exports.
The result was a true revolution in particular that of food production, originally intended for domestic consumption, it is now exported. Thus, in Brazil, the production of basic foodstuffs (rice, blacks beans, cassava and potatoes) per capita fell by 13% from 1977 to 1984. By contrast, production head of exportable commodities (soybeans, oranges, cotton, peanuts e tabacco) è aumentata del 15% . Oggi, mentre la metà dei suoi compatrioti soffrono di malnutrizione, un eminente agronomo brasiliano insiste nell’affermare che la crescita delle esportazioni è “una questione di sopravvivenza nazionale”. Nel villaggio planetario, le nazioni sopravvivono affamando le loro popolazioni.
Cosa ne è dei pretesi benefici del libero scambio, in particolare dell’aumento del livello di vita?
Tutto dipende dai criteri presi in considerazione. Le ineguaglianze tra i paesi e, nella maggior parte dei casi, all’interno di essi, si sono approfondite. Due secoli di scambi commerciali hanno accentuato le disparità nei livelli di vita del pianeta. According to economist Paul Bairoch, in 1750 the GNP per capita was approximately the same in developed countries and in those who were not. In 1830, the ratio was the order of 1 to 4 in favor of the former. Today is 1 to 8. The inequality is both a cause and effect of globalization. The inequality in a country accelerates globalization because it reduces the number of people with sufficient purchasing power, a farmer or an industrialist must then sell to rich countries to reach the scale of production necessary to obtain a relatively cost low. The inequality is also a result of globalization, because the export sector employ few workers, who receive wages disproportionately higher than their compatriots, and why the developed countries tend to leave the developing countries more capital than they invest.
was supposed to free trade would improve our standard of living. However, even in the United States, the most developed of all nations, they note the decline since 1980. Moreover, according to several studies, in 1988 there was worked almost half a day more per week than in 1970, for a lower real wages. As for recreation, those working in the United States in the nineties has less than two centuries earlier.

A NEW WAY OF THINKING
is time call into question the validity of the doctrine of free trade and its product, the global economy. For this, we must begin to talk about values. Men are greedy for gain, and perhaps motivated by a spirit of competition, but were also able to cooperate. Several studies have shown that the voluntary sector of the economy is important and productive as the industry wage. We have transformed a large number of human relations in business transactions, and we may legitimately ask if this was necessary or good.
not confuse change and progress. Bertrand Russell once said that change was inevitable and progress problematic. The change belongs science, progress, ethics. We must decide the values \u200b\u200bthat we hold more, and then devise an economy that defend them.

THE CONDITIONS OF THE FREE TRADE REVIEWED
Since prices are assumed to guide us in our purchases, our sales and our investments, they should know how effective that we can depend on the natural resources used in the manufacture of and more or less large amount of waste generated from the conversion of raw materials into intermediate or consumption. Traditionally, we measured the effectiveness in relation to man, or counting the number of hours of work necessary alla fabbricazione di un prodotto. Ma in effetti i prezzi non sono una misura dell’efficacia reale. A dire il vero, non sono la misura affidabile assolutamente di niente. Nell’economia planetaria, i prezzi delle materie prime, della manodopera, del capitale, dei trasporti e della rimozione dei rifiuti sono tutti abbondantemente sovvenzionati. Così, la distanza tra le remunerazioni di una manodopera dalle qualificazioni comparabili è talvolta di 1 a 30 e riesce a spazzare via la nozione di produttività individuale. Un americano può produrre due volte più di un messicano in un’ora, ma è pagato dieci volte di più.
A Taiwan, ad esempio, gli scioperi sono proibiti. In Corea del Sud non si può form a union without the consent of the government. In many developing countries there is no minimum wage or maximum hours of work, or a law that protects the environment. As noted by economist Howard Wachtel, "differences in production costs due to restrictions or totalitarian political institutions of the economic benefits do not reflect any natural, no superior efficacy of the company. The free trade ignores the fact that political institutions are not comparable, protecting individual rights in a country, denying them to another. "
The prices of goods and services in developed countries are greatly distorted by subsidies. Taxes pagate dagli automezzi pesanti non bastano a coprire i danni che infliggono alla rete stradale. Gli agricoltori della California acquistano l’acqua al 5% del prezzo di mercato (il restante 95% è finanziato da enormi sovvenzioni concesse alle grosse aziende). Negli Stati Uniti, la società nel suo insieme sopporta i costi dell’inquinamento agricolo. Dopo essere così intervenuti in diverse maniere nel processo di produzione, ci accorgiamo che costa meno praticare la coltura vicino al punto vendita.
I prezzi non sono indicatori fedeli all’interno di un paese; non bisogna confonderli con i costi. Il prezzo è pagato dall’individuo, il costo è sopportato dall’insieme della comunità. N ei paesi industrializzati, si constata un’enorme disparità tra il prezzo di un bene o di un servizio pagato dall’acquirente e il costo dello stesso bene o servizio che grava sulla società.
Spesso è difficile quantificare i costi sociali, ma questo tuttavia non significa che sono insignificanti. Prendiamo l’esempio del rinnovamento dei centri delle città negli anni Cinquanta e Sessanta. Interi quartieri sono stati spianati per costruire grattacieli e centri commerciali, le tasse fondiarie sono aumentate e si è creduto di aver fatto un buon lavoro. Poi i sociologi, gli economisti e gli urbanisti hanno scoperto che ciò che era stato distrutto non erano quartieri poveri smembrati, ma comunità etniche unite, dove intere generations were grown and had worked, where the children played and went to school. If you could quantify the destruction of families, broken lives and the cost allocation of new housing and recreation of community life, perhaps to note that the city has lost. If using an accounting system taking into account all the costs, we may not launch ever in these enterprises.
Our refusal to understand and account for the social costs of certain forms of development has caused so much damage in the countryside than in cities. In 1944, Walter Goldschmidt, working under contract to the Ministry of Agriculture of the United States, has compared the characteristics economic and social of two rural communities in California, similar in all respects except one. Dinuba was surrounded by family farms, Arvin by large farms. Dinuba has been more stable, the standard of living was higher, smaller companies, the most thriving retail, schools and other public sefvizi better citizen participation leading to local affairs. The Ministry of Agriculture invoked a clause in the contract that forbade him to disclose Goldschmidt its discovery. Only after some thirty years his office was made public. During this period, the Ministry continued to encourage the transformation of our Dinuba Arvin new country. The rural crisis we now know is the consequence.
Economists like to talk about the "externalities". The costs of the relocation of the labor market, increasing domestic violence, the disintegration of communities, ecological devastation and loss of culture are all considered "outsiders." But outside of what?
The same theory of comparative advantage quickly loses its credibility. There was a time when the techniques are spreading slowly. Three centuries ago, northern Italy, theft or disclosure of trade secrets of spinning silk was a crime punishable by capital punishment. At the beginning of industrial revolution, Britain protect its supremacy in the textile industry both by prohibiting the export of machinery and the emigration of men who could build and serve. In 1789, Samuel Slater, a young apprentice British imported the industrial revolution in the United States who emigrated after having memorized the pattern of a spinning wheel.
Today, technology transfers are simple. According to Dataquest, a company specializing in market research, after a new product manufactured in the United States was put on the market, it takes just three weeks in Asia because it is copied, manufactured and shipped to America. Here's what they have comparative advantage.

EFFECTIVENESS OF SMALL-SCALE
This brings us to the problem of scale. The production cost per unit goes down dramatically when some, instead of making an article in his own cellar, it is done at the factory. But when it multiplies its production per cent, the unit cost does not decrease proportionally. The bulk of the cost reduction is achieved at a relatively modest level of production.
In agriculture, for example, the U.S. Department of Agriculture has studied the performance of farms and concludes: "Roughly speaking, in excess of 40,000 to 50,000 dollars in sales, ie the lower part of the gap of average sales , non ci sono più economie di scala”. Un altro rapporto del ministero conferma: “Le aziende agricole familiari di medie dimensioni hanno una resa analoga alle grandi”.
All’avanguardia delle ricerche in questo campo negli anni Cinquanta, Joseph Bain, professore ad Harvard, ha constatato che fabbriche molto più piccole di quanto si credesse all’inizio erano economicamente concorrenziali. Egli constatò inoltre che si poteva considerevolmente ridurre la loro dimensione senza dover aumentare il prezzo dei prodotti in maniera significativa. In altri termini, è possibile fabbricare scarpe per il mercato regionale quasi allo stesso prezzo unitario del mercato nazionale. Se lo Stato cessasse di sovvenzionare la rete dei trasporti, le scarpe prodotte e commercializzate localmente costerebbero forse meno di quelle importate.
La tecnologia moderna permette a fabbriche più piccole di essere redditizie. Ad esempio, le grandi vetrerie classiche producono tra le 550 e le 600 tonnellate di vetro fluitato al giorno, per un costo annuo di 100 milioni di dollari. Con un investimento di soli 40-50 milioni di dollari, nuove mini-fabbriche sono in grado di produrre 250 tonnellate al giorno per il mercato regionale allo stesso costo unitario delle grandi fabbriche.
L’avvento delle macchine utensili programmabili potrebbe accelerare questa tendenza. Nel 1980, degli ingegneri ne hanno messa a punto una che si può programmare per riprodurre diverse forme: una macchina utensile giapponese is capable of producing almost a hundred different parts from the same material. What conclusion to draw? Erich Bloch, director of the National Science Foundation, thinks that the production "will be so flexible that the first example of a product will cost a little over year". "The ideal location of the factory of the future will therefore be the market where its products are consumed," said Patrick A. Toole, vice president in charge of manufacturing at IBM. The theory of "comparative advantage" has what it deserves.
When we give up our ability to produce by ourselves, when we separate the authority from responsibility, when those who flaunt our decisions are not those who take them, when the cost and benefit of the production or development process does not enter into the same equation, with the price and the cost should not agree more, undermine the our security and our future.
It could be argued that free trade is not the sole cause of all our ills. Well. But free trade, as it is preached today, maintains and exacerbates many of our thorniest problems. It is an ideology that encourages ruinous policies. And what is worse, as we move forward on the path of gigantism, globalization and dependence, more it is difficult to reverse and take another route. If we lose our experiences, our manufacturing base, our culture, our traditions, our natural resources, if we break the bonds of family and personal responsibility will become increasingly difficult to recreate a community and rincollare pieces.
This means that we must act immediately. The unhindered mobility of capital, labor, goods and raw materials is not the supreme social good. We need to attack frontally the postulates of free trade, proposing a different philosophy, adopt an alternative strategy. There is another way. To follow, we must change the rules and lose under discussion. This requires not only that we doubt the empty theory of free trade, but also that we advance another idea: that an economy that respects the community.


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Because development creates poverty
Edward Goldsmith - 11/03/2011

the book Globalisation Process

economic development, despite its devastating effects on society environment, remains the main objective of the international agencies, national governments and transnational corporations which are of course his main supporters and beneficiaries. This is justified by the fact that only the development, and of course the global free trade that fuels, can eradicate poverty. Today, almost none of those who occupy positions of leadership seems willing to challenge that view, although it is not supported by empirical evidence or theoretical, or series.
For starters, consider that shortly after the Second World War, when world trade and economic development were really in place, that is increased by nineteen times and that at least six times - an unprecedented performance. It is clear that if this process by providing truly the answer to world poverty, then this should by now have been reduced to little più di un vago ricordo del nostro barbarico e sottosviluppato passato. Invece, è vero il contrario. In Indonesia, la povertà è aumentata del 50% dal 1997, nella Corea del Sud è raddoppiata durante lo stesso periodo, in Russia è cresciuta dal 2,9% al 32,7% solo tra il 1966 e il 1998¹. Come nota l’International Labour Organization (ILO) nel suo “Rapporto 2000”, praticamente la stessa cosa è successa dappertutto, in Sud America come ai Caraibi. Ciò che soprattutto colpisce è che, secondo l’ILO, la percentuale di reddito globale percepito dal 20% più povero della popolazione tra gli anni dal 1960 al 1977 è diminuita dal 2,3% all’1%, ossia di più della metà, mentre solo negli ultimi cinque anni il numero di persone che vivono in condizioni di povertà estrema nel mondo è aumentato di 200 milioni, principalmente nell’Africa sub-sahariana, in Asia centrale, nell’Europa dell’Est e nel sud-est dell’Asia².
La povertà è aumentata in modo più impressionante anche nel ricco mondo industriale, dove il tasso di disoccupazione tra il 1997 e il 1998 è più che raddoppiato, crescendo dal 2,8% al 6,3% per gli uomini e dal 3,2% al 7,4% per le donne³. Significativamente, la disoccupazione a lungo termine, definita come disoccupazione che dura uno o più anni, è salita in molti paesi molto più rapidamente della disoccupazione total. In Sweden, for example, has grown from 5.5% of total unemployment in 1980 to 20.6% in 1997 (4). According to John Carvel, social affairs manager for The Guardian, 37 million people are currently unemployed in the rich industrial countries, 100 million are homeless and nearly 200 million have a life expectancy of less than 60 years. Even in the United Kingdom, a country that invented the industry and dominated the economic scene for decades, the number of adults in households with less than half the median income (which is the preferred index of poverty in this country today) - has increased of one million above the level in the early nineties and the number is now more than doubled compared to early Ottanta5. To reasonable people
these facts should be enough to discredit the argument that the development provides the means, much less the only means to eradicate poverty. But the advocates for the development of course this simply means that the development did not proceed fast enough. They are simply psychologically incapable of questioning what is the fundamental principle of the secular religion of today. Vinod Thomas, Vice President of the World Bank's Education states that "to reverse this trend, economic development is crucial." He presents a model of the south-east Asia: "If the sub-Saharan Africa had followed that model in the past three decades, the standard of living would be quadrupled instead of just standing still, and poverty would be reduced, not increased "6. Of course, he does not say that in the south-east Asia including poverty has increased during the same period and that only benefited the elite, however temporarily, from an economic boom that was little more than a bubble, which is already deflated.

It is significant that poverty is not seen as an isolated issue, but as the cause of all our other problems. Thus, the Food and Agricultural Organization of the United Nations (FAO) insists that if people are hungry and poor because it is not can afford to buy the food they need, while the World Health Organization (WHO) also assures us that if people get sick and die young is because they are poor and can not afford the medicine that would heal. The answer to hunger is that the disease is therefore the eradication of poverty, and therefore more development.

So poverty is equated with "underdevelopment", which means that, by definition, only development can uproot it. In the economic conditions in which we live today, this is probably true, but what we have to understand is that, by defining poverty in this way, in purely monetary terms, we assume that money has always been, and always should be a requirement - as is most clearly today - to meet real needs. If you believe this, however, it is because we are used to looking at the growing problems with which we face today entirely in the light of experience quick and totally abhorrent of the industrial society in which we live, we have been taught to regard as the norm. What then

development? Because it creates poverty?
What we tend to forget is that in traditional families and communities in which we lived for perhaps 95% of our stay on this planet was designed villages, building houses, the food was produced, preparato e distribuito, i bambini erano allevati ed istruiti, ci si prendeva cura di vecchi e malati, si organizzavano e celebravano cerimonie religiose, si svolgevano funzioni di governo – e tutto questo in forma completamente gratuita. Ciò era possibile, come ha notato il grande storico dell’economia Karl Polany, perché in tali società “l’economia era incastrata in relazioni sociali”7. Tutte le funzioni che oggi considereremmo economiche erano compiute per ragioni sociali piuttosto che economiche, principalmente per soddisfare relazioni di parentela e ottenere prestigio sociale.

Lo sviluppo cambia tutto questo, implicando soprattutto il graduale scioglimento dal loro contesto sociale di tutte quelle functions previously carried out free of charge, their monetization and their absorption by the state and corporations. We have been taught to see this process as one of the acceptable cost of progress, and so few seem to have considered its real implications. The first is that you can predict in advance that a large part of society will not only be able to buy the money to pay for food, housing and other necessities of life that have been monetised and that were accessible for free through the normal functioning of families and communities. For this simple reason, the development can only create a large number of poor and wretched, and their number can only grow with advancing development, making it even more globalized.
Obviously, we have been trained to believe that the pre-industrial peoples, who lived in non-monetary economies, they were poor - but that's simply not true. These peoples had a rich ceremonial and cultural life, and generally lived in a relatively non-spoiled. Usually, they were also well fed and healthy - as long as their cultural patterns were disrupted by colonization and later by economic development, and their habitat destroyed. The first travelers to distant lands had always noticed how healthy and well nourished traditional peoples were visited by them. Così, Mungo Park, nel suo Travels in Africa, ci dice che il fiume Gambia abbonda di pesci e che la natura “con mano generosa” ha dato agli abitanti della zona “le benedizioni della fertilità e dell’abbondanza”8. Poncet e Brevedent, due viaggiatori francesi dell’Ottocento, notarono che l’area di Gezira, in Sudan, ora occupata da erosi campi di cotone, era un tempo coperta di foreste e “piante fruttifere e ben coltivate”, e che era chiamata Terra di Dio (Belad-Allah) “per la sua grande abbondanza”9. Ne vi è ragione di supporre che gli aborigeni australiani, oggi considerati i più poveri tra i poveri, fossero sempre a corto di cibo. Sir George Grey, governatore General of New Zealand in the first half of the nineteenth century, spent much time in their midst and claimed to have always found the greatest abundance in their huts. Many modern anthropologists have noted that they were healthy and well fed tribal peoples, with whom they lived, and how their diet and their health to deteriorate as soon as they adopted the lifestyle of their colonizers.
RR Thaman University of the South Pacific, for example, notes that before contact with Europeans, the inhabitants of Melanesia, Micronesia and Polynesia, were generally abundant food resources, and they were almost universally recognized to be the superior type people physical, strong and good health. Even those coral atolls and limestone islands where food was relatively poor "were the fruit of the breadfruit, coconut, pandanus, taro often, a variety of edible wild plants and rich marine resources. Recent years, however, have seen a dramatic deterioration of the health of the inhabitants of the Pacific Islands. The growing trend towards Western-style diet has brought with it an increase in the incidence of so-called diseases of civilization, especially heart disease, tooth decay and diabetes - illnesses virtually unknown a few decades ago. In Micronesia, the number of people treated for heart disease in local hospitals has tripled between 1958 and 1972 - an increase explained by the changes in diet and stress of modern life. "10 Numerous studies in the Pacific islands and in any other part of the world depicting the same quadro11.

In other words, tribal peoples and other traditional peoples had no need of economic development and the money which it provides to be healthy and well fed. Most significantly, the 2001 edition of World Development Indicators (WDI) World Bank shows Cuba - the only country in the developing world, with the exception of North Korea, which since 1960 has received World Bank loans, and who had economic growth "anemic", ahead of all other poor countries in the statistics on health and education. Even Joe Ritzen, vice president of the Bank for development policy, can not help but be impressed. He notes that the Cuban system is highly productive in the social sectors, but can not noted critically that it does not give people opportunities for prosperity. But one might ask, what use is made of prosperity, if it has "a negative effect in the social sectors"? 12.
What is important is that these pre-industrial peoples did not feel poor. When Laurens van der Post wanted to make a gift to friends who had stayed at Bushmen as a token of his gratitude per la loro ospitalità, semplicemente non sapeva cosa dare loro.
Eravamo umiliati dalla consapevolezza di quanto poco potessimo dare ai boscimani. Quasi ogni cosa, probabilmente, sembrava rendere loro la vita più difficile, aumentando i rifiuti e il peso della loro routine quotidiana. Non possedevano praticamente beni: una cinghia, una coperta e una cartella di cuoio. Non c’è niente che non potessero assemblare in un minuto, riporre nelle loro ceste e trasportare sulle loro spalle per un viaggio di mille miglia. Non avevano il senso del possesso13.
Etichettarli come completamente poveri equivale a non cogliere l’essenziale, per i boscimani, che vivevano nel loro ambiente naturale, e non si sentivano in alcun modo sventurati per la loro mancanza di beni materiali. Helena Norberg-Hodge, che ha trascorso molto del suo tempo durante gli ultimi trent’anni in Ladakh, una società tibetana sull’Himalaia che politicamente appartiene dell’India, e che fino ad epoca recente era in gran parte isolata dal mondo esterno, è pienamente d’accordo. Quando per la prima volta si recò in Ladakh, alla metà degli anni Cinquanta, racconta come un giovane ladakho le fece visitare il suo lontano villaggio chiamato Hemis Shukpachan. Ella rimase impressionata dalla bellezza e spaziosità delle case. “Ma dove vivono i poveri?” chiese. Egli restò sbalordito da questa domanda. Quando spiegò cosa intendeva per povero, egli scosse la testa e rispose: "There's no one like that." Today, everything has changed. The Ladakhi tourists crowd around to asking for money - "we are so poor in Ladakh", they pietosamente14. In fact, they were reduced to poverty by the recent economic development that has already devastated their company and their natural environment and created many new and artificial "needs" which, for most people, probably will never be satisfied.
They were different even at the court of Chinese emperors of the Manchu dynasty, before that country suffer the Western influence. So, the Emperor Ch'ien Lung was not the least impressed by artifacts regalatigli dall'emissario British King George III, who sought to establish diplomatic relations with his country. He rejected the British request and sent a letter to King George that ended with the words:
Overlooking the wide world, I propose to maintain a perfect administration and to fulfill state functions. Strange and costly objects do not interest me ... As your ambassador can see that we have all kinds of things. I do not give value to objects strange or ingenious, and I will not use the artifacts of your paese15.

This attitude could not be more alien. Our appetite for material goods and technological devices seems insatiable. In fact, our wealth and our prosperity are normally evaluated on the basis of our access to them. It is undoubtedly true that today we need many material goods and technological devices, but not because we have an inherent necessity, but because, in aberrant conditions in which we live, many are required to meet the biological, social, spiritual and aesthetic that under normal conditions were fulfilled once free.

No words to describe poverty
Serge Latouche, who has long worked among the slums of West African cities developed rapidly, he says, in his informative book The Other Africa, in the main African languages \u200b\u200bthere is even a word for poverty, at least in the economic sense of the term, which he sees as a Western invention. The closer the words that indicate an orphan 16. Marshall Salins does the same-quoted observation in his essay "The Original Affluent Society.
most primitive peoples of the world have few assets, but are not poor. Poverty does not mean having few assets, nor is it really a relationship between means and ends, is primarily a relationship between people. Poverty is a social state. As such, an invention of civilization 17.
In this sense, poverty is not associated with a lack of money, but rather the absence of a social relationship. For Latouche, the true idea of \u200b\u200bpoverty is conceivable only in an individualistic society like the one that necessarily leads to development. This refers mainly to impotence of social isolation.
"In a non-individualistic," he says Latouche, "the group as a whole is neither rich nor poor 18. Julius Nyerere said much the same thing. For him, "in an African society ... no one goes hungry, or food or human dignity, because he lacked personal wealth; each depended on the wealth owned by the community which was membro19.
Many of those who are economically poor in the modern world are also those who have minimal family support. You can include in this the growing number of older people largely abandoned by their families and dependents from a miserable state pension just enough to survive. We can also include many separate mothers and their children. In 1974, the renowned child psychologist Bronfenbrenner observed that the "number of U.S. children under six living in poverty, 45% of them were members of families separated parents' 20.
In Australia, Canada, Germany, Luxembourg, Netherlands, Norway and the U.S., municipal taxes of poverty for families guided by a single mother are at least three times higher than for the parents not separated. Since then the situation has worsened, which is fully expected, as economic development, by its very nature, necessarily leads to social disintegration and atomization. In the U.S., for example, the number of households headed by a woman separated is increased by two and a half times in the UK is about three times and in Canada is almost raddoppiato21.
It is not surprising that child poverty in OECD countries has generally grown substantially during the same period. Between 1972 and 1994, for example, in Germany has doubled and tripled in the United Unito22. Poverty also an important psychological component which the French sociologist Emile Durkheim was referring speaking of anomie - a term adopted by other prominent sociologists such as Robert McIver. According to him, people suffering from anomie "when their lives are empty and without purpose, without any meaningful human relationships." 23
is in the slums of modern industrial city that the disintegration and anomie or social deprivation that it determines is most advanced, and this causes a form of poverty largely absent in traditional societies, and in some ways is even less tolerable than that exists in the slums of Third World cities like Calcutta.
Come dice Robert Wurmstedt, “la povertà nei vicinati neri portoricani nella parte ovest di Chicago è peggiore di ogni povertà che ho visto in Africa occidentale. Qui la gente è guidata da forti valori tradizionali. Non vive nella costante paura della violenza, degli animali nocivi e del fuoco. Non troviamo lo stesso senso di disperazione e mancanza di speranza di un ghetto americano”24.
Una delle molte ragioni per cui lo sviluppo causa disintegrazione sociale e anomia è che, essendo sempre di più assunte dallo stato e dalle corporazioni le funzioni chiave un tempo compiute dalle famiglie e dalle comunità, questi elementi sociali chiave semplicemente si atrofizzano, come muscoli a lungo non utilizzati, e così, tra the other, people are deprived of what is by far the most reliable sources of humanitarian assistance and security. The mass of people in the industry do not realize it. To gain confidence, rely on personal investments, on their work and social status. However, in the context that we have created highly unstable economy, the investments are very speculative, as we see today with the massive collapse in technology stocks and the collapse of Asian economies in 1997 and early 1998. And above all, with today's global economy there is now a fierce competitiveness, which means that corporations, to survive, they must reduce costs to the bone, and this involves, inter alia, that the work must be "flexible", so the long-term contracts have been replaced by short-term contracts, many full-time jobs are now part-time, and it is always easier cheaper and even lay off employees when it is convenient to do so. The work is thus increasingly precarious, while at the same time the welfare state to reduce the cost of new industry is being systematically dismantled. Because this process involves a large number of people living in an increasingly brutal and increasingly without the support of family and community, they are practically devoid of any form security and thereby feed into the proliferating multitude of the poor and needy. However, poverty today is nothing compared to what will be cynical when the development policies of the World Trade Organization (WTO) will be fully realized.
The General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS) of WTO, its appointments to all public services, covering every aspect of health care, primary, secondary and university education, water and environmental services; it would be included also research and environmental monitoring. For transnational corporations this is obviously a great abundance, was given a huge new market to exploit, with education, health, and water only, which represents a market of 5-6 billion dollari25. This means that all its services that the state originally took delivery of local communities, which were largely subsidized by the public and could be provided free of charge to the needy, now everyone would be totally irresponsible and operated by huge transnational corporations that would pay for them the highest price possible - creating an unprecedented number of poor people, especially in Third World countries, that this would be deprived of access to basic needs of life.
But this is not all that complies with WTO rules, markets anywhere in the world were very open to subsidized U.S. food products. This has already started in India, with devastating results. Somewhere there are two to three million small farmers in India, China, Indonesia, Thailand, and other areas of South and Southeast, where the average size of a farm is only a few acres. Unlikely to survive the opening of their markets - even for a few artisans, small shopkeepers and street vendors who depend entirely on agriculture community. Most of these unfortunate people will be forced to seek refuge in the slums of the nearest conurbations, and no land on which to grow their food, no work - given that the level of unemployment in these slums is already scary - and without unemployment benefits will be reduced to a state of utter destitution.
But the main contribution to the economic development of increasing poverty in the world is producing increasingly large amounts of greenhouse gases that cause global warming. This is by far the biggest problem that humankind has ever faced, and in fact if not quickly reverse this process completely destructive, much of our planet will soon be largely uninhabitable with increasingly severe heat waves, floods, droughts, storms, raising sea levels, which will lead to massive migrations of refugees and impoverished almost starved to death across the surface of our planet. If, therefore, will continue to do nothing in this regard, the development will effectively eradicate poverty, given that the world will become totally uninhabitable and humans, rich or poor, will be unable to sopravvivere26.

NOTES
1.Chakravarthi Raghavan, Third World Network Features, October 2000.
2.International Labour Office (ILO), World Report 2000. 3.The
1997th and OECD 1999, cited above. ILO World Report in 2000.
4.THE 1999b
5.John Carvel, Social Affairs Editor, The Guardian, December 11, 2000.
6.Vinod Thomas, The Economist, 7 ottobre 2000.
7.Cfr. Karl Polanyi, The Great Transformation, Beacon Press, Boston 1957 (ed. or. 1944).
8.Mungo Park, “Travels in the Interior of Africa”, Folio Society, London 1984 (ed. or. 1799), p. 5.
9.Nigel Pollard “The Gezira Scheme: A study in failure”, The Ecologist, vol. 11, n° 1, 1981, pp. 24-31.
10.R. Thaman, “Food Scarcity, Food Dependency, and Nutritional Deterioration in Small Island Communities”. Saggio presentato al 49° ANZAAS Congress and Tenth New Zealand Geographical Conference, Auckland, Nuova Zelanda. Simposio su “Problems and resource use and development in small islands of the Pacific”, 24 gennaio 1979.
11.Cfr. Albert Damon, pp. 216-291. Cfr. p. 481 The Way, US edition. Cfr. anche Ian Prior et al. 1987, “Migration and gout: The Tokelau Islands Migration Study”, British Medical Journal, 22 agosto. The Way, p. 494.
12.World Bank.
13.Laurence Van der Post, “Venture into the Interior”, p. 278, Hogarth Press 1958.
14.Helena Norberg-Hodge, “Ancient Futures: Learning from Ladakh”, Rider Books, London 2000.
15.Ch’ien Lung, 1934, cit. da Arnold Toynbee in “A Study of History”, p. 161, Royal Institute of International Affairs, London.
16.Serge Latouche, L’Autre Afrique, p. 99.
17.Marshall Sahlins, “The Original Affluent Society”, Stone Age Economics, Aldine, New York, 1972.
18.Serge Latouche, ibid., p. 105.
19.Julius Nyerere Ujaama, “The Basis of African Socialism”, in Ujaama: Essays on socialism, Oxford University Press, Dar es Salaam 1968.
20.Urie Bronfenbrenner, “The Origins of Alienation”, Scientific American, Agosto 1974.
21.International Labour Office (ILO) 2000, p. 43.
22.OECD 1997a e OECD 1999) – in ILO 2000, p. 43.
23.Robert McIver, 1964, “The Ramparts we Guard”, Mcmillans, New York, p. 242.
24.Robert Wurmstedt, cit. da E. Goldsmith, “The Way: an Ecological World View”, University of Georgia Press 1998.
25.Cfr. Agnes Bertrand e Laurence Kalafatides, “The World Trade Organisation and the Liberalisation of Trade in Healthcare and Services”, in Edward Goldsmith and Jerry Manders Editors, “The Case Against the Global Economy and for a Turn Towards Localisation”, Earthscan, London 2001.
26.Cfr. “The Ecologist”, marzo 1999, numero speciale sul cambiamento climatico, e “The Ecologist”, novembre 2001, secondo numero speciale sul cambiamento climatico.



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