During the past Emma Bonino weeks and radicals led to the substantial indifference of the media and other political forces, the center-right and center-left, a remarkable battle of denunciation of the climate of lawlessness in our country which are held in the collection of signatures for the presentation of lists elettorali.I radicals have tried to show how it is almost impossible to collect signatures on a regular basis with the regulations and how to use most of the parties in fact shortcuts to the limits of convenience or - more often - outside the law .
"Awful Mess" of the PDL in Rome is only the most obvious and confirmed at the same time that most grotesque Radicals in the complaint vero.Del there is so much else that some parties - both highly representative and well organized - collect thousands of signatures in a few hours, behind their delivery, it is a challenge to the laws of physics as well as (mainly) senso.Non is no doubt that the good to bring a little dignity to the electoral process should be putting their hands significantly more to the presentation of the lists and in this way the Roman scandal could have at least the merit to trigger an action to reform .
A possible revision of the current system could go in the direction of providing for two separate dates for the submission of lists and submit lists of firme.Le dovrebbero essere chiuse e depositate almeno 3-4 settimane prima della chiusura della presentazione delle firme. In questo modo ci sarebbe tutto il tempo a disposizione per organizzare raccolte firme su liste rigorosamente congelate e pubbliche.In aggiunta si potrebbe stabilire che la firma delle liste sia possibile solo in Comune, abbassando contestualmente in modo sensibile in numero di firme necessarie. La necessità per la persona di recarsi personalmente in Comune per sostenere una lista rappresenterebbe una garanzia importante di veridicità della firma e di volontarietà dell’endorsement.
Andrebbero tuttavia sperimentati anche meccanismi di selezione delle liste elettorali alternativi alla raccolta firme.Per le elezioni politiche, in questo senso, si was decided that a list is exempt from collection in the case get the sponsorship of two at least two parlamentari.Non However, this is a satisfactory system, not only because it benefits the incumbent than the outsider, forced instead to collect expensive, but because the ' Parliamentary endorsement of the lists is often arbitrary and not tied to actual constraints of membership or political affiliation. It happens for example, that MPs are not re-nominated by their respective parties will "take revenge" giving their support to lists of disturbance.
In fact, we turn to some foreign experiences, you can find different models and interesting approach to the issue, however necessary, to attach a filter to the proliferation of lists of candidates and is definitely on the cards elettorali.In particularly noteworthy mechanism in place for ever in the United Kingdom and many other countries of tradition anglosassone.Per submit an application to an election Britain is a necessary number of signatures of all symbols (typically ten) but above the filing of an bail money is returned if the number of votes exceeds a certain threshold reached .
In particular, the deposit required when submitting an application for a seat at Westminster is 500 pounds, a relatively low figure but British enough to weed out experience at least the most nominations inconsistenti.Le eccentric, or £ 500 is returned if the candidate exceeds 5% of the votes, otherwise they are forfeited by the Board elettorale.Peraltro one should not forget that to win a college in the "first-past-the post system "serves the UK average of 40% of the votes for the barrier to 5% for the return of security may be considered more than generous in the sense that if a candidate believes he has a chance to finish first in the college can not be for the less certain to arrive at least 5%. Accordingly, the loss of deposit to be unrealistic purely to discourage applications, including those that are candidates without having in fact no concrete chance of election.
It 'clear that in a multi-member district electoral system and proportional basically like the Italian one such mechanism should be "recalibrated" as an entity is a cash deposit of as a threshold percentage to be "saved." The amount to be deposited should be much greater because it is not only relates more to a single candidate from a single-member constituency but to a long list of candidates that often contribute to many seats in a relatively large constituency.
At the same time would lower the threshold for recovery, as in single-member districts while you win with 40-50% in proportional multi-member district may also elect to have with much lower rates, often ranging from 2 to 5% depending on the type of election. A threshold could perhaps be placed well positioned to 1% or even more flexibly to a quarter of a percentage necessary to obtain a seat. For example, if the seat is used to trigger the 3% might be "punished" for lists that get less than 0.75%.
The idea of \u200b\u200bhaving to pay to become a candidate can make up their noses at some well-meaning and giving rise to some hasty accusation of classism and antidemocraticità. A closer look, however, it would be easy enough to confutare.Fuor accusation of hypocrisy, after all, it is indisputable that we still want to do politics and money a serious campaign requires a significant budget. In this sense it is rather unlikely that the need to also pay a security represents in the total budget, a spending item so important.
must be said, then, that even have a serious and systematic collection of signatures requires high costs and even in some cases the parties have had to pass on the hiring of temporary labor to be able to successfully fine.Il security mechanism in the end relatively cheap. In particular, if the list exceeds the threshold of its final cost recovery is practically zero.
But even for those who lost their deposit lists the actual cost might reasonably be less than the expenditure necessaria per una raccolta firme.Merita di essere infine osservato che si tratta anche di un sistema autenticamente neutrale in quanto non garantisce nessun vantaggio istituzionale agli incumbent rispetto agli sfidanti, tanto più che la sua gestione non richiede alle liste di disporre di complesse macchine organizzative.La ragione principale per la quale, tuttavia, il modello britannico sarebbe preferibile al modello a raccolta firme è che è incomparabilmente più trasparente.Il modello a raccolta firme, in special modo calato nello scenario italiano, non ha fatto altro che generare illegalità generalizzata, truffe e sospetti.
Le norme previste per la raccolta firme non sono di per sé di facile applicabilità. La loro complessità, combined with the destructive habit of the main parties to close the growing list near the time of delivery of lists, makes the de jure rules are not followed in a systematic way by creating a de facto system of law, necessarily vague, where it is not clear at which point you can go to play with fire.
Every now and then messed up more than usual (or worse than usual) and someone gets caught. These situations - as well as throw a shadow on the overall regularity of the overall electoral process - may distort the outcome of major elections, as might occur in the Region Lazio.Non is said that the model is a collection of signatures to be rejected in itself, but in the specific scenario Italian political parties have long been shown not to be able to handle it the second minimum standards of decorum and political institutions.
The security is, for its part, a mechanism very clear and verifiable, in which there are "magheggi" and there is no room for jugglers of collected signatures. In Italy to introduce the British model could contribute significantly to bringing the electoral process in a framework of legal certainty and equal to tutti.In ultimately more satisfied with even an occasional rogue unmasked, it would be more effective to have a law that simple by itself be proof cialtroneria . (libertiamo.it)
"Awful Mess" of the PDL in Rome is only the most obvious and confirmed at the same time that most grotesque Radicals in the complaint vero.Del there is so much else that some parties - both highly representative and well organized - collect thousands of signatures in a few hours, behind their delivery, it is a challenge to the laws of physics as well as (mainly) senso.Non is no doubt that the good to bring a little dignity to the electoral process should be putting their hands significantly more to the presentation of the lists and in this way the Roman scandal could have at least the merit to trigger an action to reform .
A possible revision of the current system could go in the direction of providing for two separate dates for the submission of lists and submit lists of firme.Le dovrebbero essere chiuse e depositate almeno 3-4 settimane prima della chiusura della presentazione delle firme. In questo modo ci sarebbe tutto il tempo a disposizione per organizzare raccolte firme su liste rigorosamente congelate e pubbliche.In aggiunta si potrebbe stabilire che la firma delle liste sia possibile solo in Comune, abbassando contestualmente in modo sensibile in numero di firme necessarie. La necessità per la persona di recarsi personalmente in Comune per sostenere una lista rappresenterebbe una garanzia importante di veridicità della firma e di volontarietà dell’endorsement.
Andrebbero tuttavia sperimentati anche meccanismi di selezione delle liste elettorali alternativi alla raccolta firme.Per le elezioni politiche, in questo senso, si was decided that a list is exempt from collection in the case get the sponsorship of two at least two parlamentari.Non However, this is a satisfactory system, not only because it benefits the incumbent than the outsider, forced instead to collect expensive, but because the ' Parliamentary endorsement of the lists is often arbitrary and not tied to actual constraints of membership or political affiliation. It happens for example, that MPs are not re-nominated by their respective parties will "take revenge" giving their support to lists of disturbance.
In fact, we turn to some foreign experiences, you can find different models and interesting approach to the issue, however necessary, to attach a filter to the proliferation of lists of candidates and is definitely on the cards elettorali.In particularly noteworthy mechanism in place for ever in the United Kingdom and many other countries of tradition anglosassone.Per submit an application to an election Britain is a necessary number of signatures of all symbols (typically ten) but above the filing of an bail money is returned if the number of votes exceeds a certain threshold reached .
In particular, the deposit required when submitting an application for a seat at Westminster is 500 pounds, a relatively low figure but British enough to weed out experience at least the most nominations inconsistenti.Le eccentric, or £ 500 is returned if the candidate exceeds 5% of the votes, otherwise they are forfeited by the Board elettorale.Peraltro one should not forget that to win a college in the "first-past-the post system "serves the UK average of 40% of the votes for the barrier to 5% for the return of security may be considered more than generous in the sense that if a candidate believes he has a chance to finish first in the college can not be for the less certain to arrive at least 5%. Accordingly, the loss of deposit to be unrealistic purely to discourage applications, including those that are candidates without having in fact no concrete chance of election.
It 'clear that in a multi-member district electoral system and proportional basically like the Italian one such mechanism should be "recalibrated" as an entity is a cash deposit of as a threshold percentage to be "saved." The amount to be deposited should be much greater because it is not only relates more to a single candidate from a single-member constituency but to a long list of candidates that often contribute to many seats in a relatively large constituency.
At the same time would lower the threshold for recovery, as in single-member districts while you win with 40-50% in proportional multi-member district may also elect to have with much lower rates, often ranging from 2 to 5% depending on the type of election. A threshold could perhaps be placed well positioned to 1% or even more flexibly to a quarter of a percentage necessary to obtain a seat. For example, if the seat is used to trigger the 3% might be "punished" for lists that get less than 0.75%.
The idea of \u200b\u200bhaving to pay to become a candidate can make up their noses at some well-meaning and giving rise to some hasty accusation of classism and antidemocraticità. A closer look, however, it would be easy enough to confutare.Fuor accusation of hypocrisy, after all, it is indisputable that we still want to do politics and money a serious campaign requires a significant budget. In this sense it is rather unlikely that the need to also pay a security represents in the total budget, a spending item so important.
must be said, then, that even have a serious and systematic collection of signatures requires high costs and even in some cases the parties have had to pass on the hiring of temporary labor to be able to successfully fine.Il security mechanism in the end relatively cheap. In particular, if the list exceeds the threshold of its final cost recovery is practically zero.
But even for those who lost their deposit lists the actual cost might reasonably be less than the expenditure necessaria per una raccolta firme.Merita di essere infine osservato che si tratta anche di un sistema autenticamente neutrale in quanto non garantisce nessun vantaggio istituzionale agli incumbent rispetto agli sfidanti, tanto più che la sua gestione non richiede alle liste di disporre di complesse macchine organizzative.La ragione principale per la quale, tuttavia, il modello britannico sarebbe preferibile al modello a raccolta firme è che è incomparabilmente più trasparente.Il modello a raccolta firme, in special modo calato nello scenario italiano, non ha fatto altro che generare illegalità generalizzata, truffe e sospetti.
Le norme previste per la raccolta firme non sono di per sé di facile applicabilità. La loro complessità, combined with the destructive habit of the main parties to close the growing list near the time of delivery of lists, makes the de jure rules are not followed in a systematic way by creating a de facto system of law, necessarily vague, where it is not clear at which point you can go to play with fire.
Every now and then messed up more than usual (or worse than usual) and someone gets caught. These situations - as well as throw a shadow on the overall regularity of the overall electoral process - may distort the outcome of major elections, as might occur in the Region Lazio.Non is said that the model is a collection of signatures to be rejected in itself, but in the specific scenario Italian political parties have long been shown not to be able to handle it the second minimum standards of decorum and political institutions.
The security is, for its part, a mechanism very clear and verifiable, in which there are "magheggi" and there is no room for jugglers of collected signatures. In Italy to introduce the British model could contribute significantly to bringing the electoral process in a framework of legal certainty and equal to tutti.In ultimately more satisfied with even an occasional rogue unmasked, it would be more effective to have a law that simple by itself be proof cialtroneria . (libertiamo.it)
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